Unit V
AESOP'S FABLES

        Four of the most widely read books in early America were the Bible, the Almanac, Plutarch's Lives and Aesop's Fables. Nearly twenty different editions of Aesop, in English translation, were printed in America in the second half of the eighteenth century alone.1 These translations contained not only the fables of the sixth-century B.C. Greek slave, Aesop, but also many fables from Phaedrus, a first-century A.D. Roman freedman. Many of the eighteenth-century American editions of these authors also included several Latin fables of the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. and some fables composed by anonymous authors in the middle ages. All these fables, although composed by a variety of authors over the span of many centuries, frequently bore the collective title, "Aesop."

        The popularity of Aesop's fables often originated from the charming woodcuts, which accompanied an individual fable (see illustration), and the lengthy moralizing conclusions which authoritatively interpreted the fable for the young reader. The Latin fables of Phaedrus and the Latin versions of Aesop's fables, with their lessons of modesty, fidelity, honesty, generosity, kindness, and truthfulness, as well as the reverse of each of these virtues, were favorites of grammar school masters in early America who were intent on teaching their charges not only correct Latin, but also virtuous conduct.

        Selections A and B are taken from an anonymously authored collection of Aesop's Fables, Fabulae Aesopi Graece et Latine Nunc Denuo Selectae (Amsterdam, 1727). Selections C, D and E are from a 1745 schoolboy edition of The Fables of Phaedrus, published in London.


Readings
A. Aesop: Lupus et Grus

    Lupus gutturi quum os infixum haberet, mercedem Grui praebiturum dixit, si, injecto capite, os e gutture
sibi eduxisset. Quod quum illa, ut quae longo esset collo, eduxisset, mercedem flagitare coepit. Ille subridens,
dentesque exacuens, sufficiat tibi, inquit, illa sola merces, quod ex ore Lupi dentibusque salvum caput &
illaesum exemisti.

Affabulatio: Fabula in homines, qui, a periculo servati, bene de se meritis gratiam ejusmodi persolvent.            5
 

B. Aesop: Gallina Auripara

    Gallinam quaedam habuit, quae ova pareret aurea. Rata igitur, intra ipsam auri extare massam, occisam,
aliis gallinis similem invenit. Illa igitur multum sperans se inventuram divitiarum, exiguo quoque illo privata est.

Affabulatio: Fabula significat, oportere contentum esse praesentibus, & inexplebilem fugere satietatem.
 

C. Phaedrus, Book I, 1: Lupus et Agnus

           Ad rivum Lupus et Agnus venerant,
           Siti compulsi: superior stabat Lupus,
           Longeque inferior Agnus. Tunc fauce improba
           Latro incitatus, jurgii causam intulit.
           Cur, inquit, turbulentam fecisti mihi                                        5
           Istam bibenti? Laniger contra timens:
           Qui possum, quaeso, facere, quod quereris, Lupe?
           A te decurrit ad meos haustos liquor
           Repulsus ille veritatis viribus,
           Ante hos sex menses male, ait, dixisti mihi.                          10
           Respondit Agnus: Equidem natus non eram.
           Pater hercule tuus, inquit, maledixit mihi.
           Atque ita correptum lacerat, injusta nece.

Haec propter illos scripta est homines fabula,
Qui fictis causis innocentes opprimunt.                            15
 
 
D. Phaedrus, Book I, 2: Ranae Regem Petentes
  Athenae cum florerent aequis legibus,
Procax libertas civitatem miscuit,
Frenumque solvit pristinum licentia.
Hinc conspiratis factionum partibus,
Arcem tyrannus occupat Pisistratus.                                       5
Cum tristem servitutem flerent Attici;
Non quia crudelis ille, sed quoniam grave
Omne insuetis onus; et coepissent queri;
Aesopus talem tum fabellam retulit.
Ranae, vagantes liberis paludibus,                                        10
Clamore magno regem petiere a Jove,
Qui dissolutos mores vi compesceret.
Pater Deorum risit, atque illis dedit
Parvum tigillum; missum quod subito vadi
Motu sonoque terruit pavidum genus.                                  15
Hoc mersum limo cum jaceret diutius,
Forte una tacite profert e stagno caput,
Et, explorato rege, cunctas evocat.
Illae, timore posito, certatim annatant,
Lignumque supra turba petulans insilit:                                 20
Quod cum inquinassent omni contumelia,
Alium rogantes regem misere ad Jovem;
Inutilis quoniam esset, qui fuerat datus.
Tum misit illis hydrum, qui dente aspero
Corripere coepit singulas: frustra necem                              25
Fugitant inertes: vocem praecludit metus.
Furtim igitur dant Mercurio mandata ad Jovem,
Afflictis ut succurrat. Tunc contra Deus,
Quia noluistis vestrum ferre, inquit, bonum;
Malum perferte. Vos quoque, o cives, ait,                          30
Hoc sustinete, maius ne veniat malum.

 
 

E. Phaedrus, Book I, XIII: Asinus ad Senem Pastorem
  In principatu commutando saepius
Nil praeter domini nomen mutant pauperes.
Id esse verum parva haec fabella indicat
Asellum in prato timidus pascebat senex.
Is hostium clamore subito territus                                          5
Suadebat asino fugere, ne possent capi.
At ille lentus: "Quaeso, num binas mihi
Clitellas impositurum victorem putas?"
Senex negavit. "Ergo quid refert mea,
Cui serviam? clitellas dum portem meas."                             10
 
  
Grammatical Notes

Selection A. Aesop: "The Wolf and the Crane"

                     L.1 quum = cum; temporal conjunction, introduces a circumstantial clause with the subjunctive, haberet.
                            Same use of quum in 1.2. Understand se, referring to the lupus, as the subject accusative of
                            praebiturum (esse). sibi, a dative of possession, is used instead of eius to distinguish the wolf's throat
                            from that of the crane.

                     L.2 sibi, a dative of possession, is used instead of eius to distinguish the wolf's throat from that of the
                            crane quod, antecedent is os. Illa refers to grus. longo collo, ablative of quality describing quae.

                     L.5  understand scripta est with fabula.

  Selection B. Aesop: "The Hen that laid Golden Eggs"

                     L1 ipsam refers to the gallinam; take auri with massam.

                     L.2 multum + divitiarum.

                     L.3 oportere, infinitive in indirect statement after significat.

  Selection C. Phaedrus: "The Wolf and the Lamb" L.2 superior, translate, "higher up the stream."

L.3 fauce improba, translate, "by his insatiable appetite."

                    L.6 istam refers to the water, i.e., aquam understood; with contra understand inquit or respondit.

                    L.8 ad meos haustos, as if ad me bibentem, "to me drinking."

                    L.9 repulsus, "refuted."

                    L.15 fictis causis, ablative absolute, translate, "under false pretences."
 

Selection D. Phaedrus: "The Frogs seeking a King"

                    L.3 licentia, subject of solvit.

                    L.4 factionum partibus, translate, "political parties."

                    L.5 Pisistratus, benevolent tyrant of Athens from 560-527 B.C.; he gained power and
                            political control, however, through the bodyguard which had been granted to him by
                            the Athenian people.

                    L.7 understand esset with ille crudelis and with grave onus.

                    L.10 liberis, "free," "independent," i.e., "ungoverned."

                    L.12 compesceret, subjunctive, purpose clause, as if qui was ut ille.
 
                    L.16 hoc, refers to tigillum, and subject of jaceret.

                    L17 subject of profert is una (ranarum).

                    L.21 inquinassent = inquinavissent

                    L.22 rogantes, modifies legatos understood. The usual construction is misere legatos
                            qui rogarent; misere = miserunt.

                    L.27 Mercury was the traditional messenger of the gods.

                    L.28 with contra Deus understand inquit.

                    L.30 Aesop is the subject of ait.

                    L.31 by hoc malum is meant the rule of Pisistratus.

  Selection E. Phaedrus: "The Ass to the Old Shepherd"

                    L.6 asino, dative of person advised.

                    L.7 ille, the asinus.

                    L.9 mea has occasioned considerable grammatical discussion. Here it is taken as the accusative
                            plural neuter; some would read the line as re (ablative) fert mea.
  


References

        Knowledge of Aesop's fables was widespread in early America. A Latin text of Aesop was a standard work in the personal library of every educated colonial gentleman. An Aesop in English translation was also a cherished possession even of those who were neither formally educated nor familiar with the Latin and Greek languages. Among the latter was George Washington, who inherited a copy of Aesop in 1759 when he married Martha Custis.2 Certainly, some of the fables and morals from his copy of Aesop made a direct impression on Washington as a young adult since he recommended to Fielding Lewis and Betty Washington, the builders and owners of Kenmore house in Fredericksburg, that the bas-relief plaster scene of the drawing room overmantel, begun sometime after 1770, consist of Aesop's fable of the Fox, Crow and Cheese.3 Just as Washington desired the moral lesson of this fable to be constantly before the eyes of his nieces and nephews, so also did countless scores of other youngsters in early America have many moral lessons preached to them by their parents who, at the fireside on dark winter's evenings, read to them from one of the many editions of Samuel Croxall's Fables of Aesop, and Others, Translated into English (1722). In the dedication to his translation, Croxall claims that:

These Fables, my Lord, abound in variety of instruction, moral and political. They furnish us
with rules for every station of life; they mark out a proper behaviour for us, both in respect of
ourselves and others; and demonstrate to us, by a kind of example, every virtue which claims
our best regards, and every vice which we are most concerned to avoid.4
        After each of the 196 fables which Croxall translated, he supplied a lengthy interpretation of the fable, called an "Application," which for the fable, "The Wolf and the Crane," (see selection A) is as follows: There is a sort of people in the world, to whom a man may be in the wrong for doing services
upon a double score; first, because they never deserved to have a good office done them; and
secondly, because when once engaged, it is so hard a matter to get well rid of their acquaintance.
This fable is not an example of ingratitude as at first sight it seems to be, and as some of the
mythologies have understood it; to make a parallel in that case, the Crane ought to have been
under some difficulties in his turn, and the Wolf have refused to assist him when it was in his power.
The whole stress of it lies in this, that we ought to consider what kind of people they are to whom
we are desired to do good offices, before we do them; for he that grants a favour, or even considers
it in a person of no honour, instead of finding his account in it, comes off well if he is no sufferer.5
 
     Eighteenth-century American newspapers and political pamphlets were also saturated with references to Aesop's fables. The "Belly and Members," "The Cock and Jewel," and "The Country Mouse and City Mouse" are just a few of the fables which appeared frequently in publications of that era. Furthermore, Latin versions of Aesop and the Latin text of Phaedrus were extensively read, and sometimes even memorized, by early American schoolboys.6 Since such close attention was given to the Latin of Phaedrus in the schools, it was only natural that the Latin text of these fables would occasionally appear in public print, as John Adams tells us happened in 1764: I have now before me, a pamphlet, written and printed in the year 1764 intitled, "The sentiments of
a British American," upon this act. How the idea of a revenue, tho' from an acknowledged external
tax, was relished in that time, may be read in the frontispiece of that pamphlet - Ergo Quid refert
mea/Cui serviam? clitellas dum portem meas. - Phaedrus7
        References to "Aesop's Fables" are found in abundance in the personal letters of early Americans, especially those who received a grammar school education and wrestled with the Latin text at an age when they were most impressionable. Thomas Jefferson's letters, for example, reveal a number of his favorite Aesopian fables, including the fable of the "Hen which laid the Golden Eggs," (see Selection B), which he cleverly inserted in a letter to Lafayette in 1781: I believe they are disposed to strengthen you with Cavalry to any Amount you think proper and with
as good Horses as you shall think Oeconomy should induce us to take. Stud Horses and Brood
Mares will be always excepted because to take them would be to rip up the Hen which laid the
Golden Eggs.8
Jefferson also used the same fable in a letter to James Monroe in 1785 in which he discussed the question of the settlement of the western territory: The time too is the present, before the admission of the Western states. I am very differently affected
towards the new plan of opening our land office by dividing the lands among the states and selling them
at vendue. It separates still more the interest of the states which ought to be made joint in every possible
instance in order to cultivate the idea of our being one nation, and to multiply the instances in which the
people shall look up to Congress as their head. And when the states get their portions they will either
fool them away, or make a job of it to serve individuals. Proofs of both of these practices have been
furnished, and by either of them that invaluable fund is lost which ought to pay our public debt. To sell
them at vendue, is to give them to the bidders of the day, be they many or few. It is ripping up the hen
which lays golden eggs.9
        Jefferson was especially fond of illustrating a political principle by the use of Aesop. For this purpose he often relied on several fables which demonstrated the inherent hatred between wolves and sheep (see Selection C). Jefferson often compared this inherent discord to the same strife which naturally exists between a monarch and his subjects. On January 16th, 1787, for example, he writes to Colonel Edward Carrington: I am convinced that those societies (as the Indians) which live without government, enjoy in their
general mass an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live under the European
governments. Among the former, public opinion is in the place of law, and restrains morals as
powerfully as laws did anywhere. Among the latter, under pretence of governing, they have divided
their nations into two classes, wolves and sheep. I do not exaggerate. This is a true picture of
Europe. Cherish, therefore, the spirit of our people, and keep alive their attention. Do not be too
severe upon their errors, but reclaim them by enlightening them. If once they become inattentive to
the public affairs, you and I, and Congress and Assemblies, Judges and Governors, shall all
become wolves.10
Jefferson evidently believed that his reference to the fable of the sheep and wolves was particularly effective since he uses the same fable in a letter to James Madison just two weeks latter: Society exists under three forms sufficiently distinguishable. 1. Without government, as among
our Indians. 2. Under governments wherein the will of every one has a just influence, as is the
case in England in a slight degree, and in our states in a great one. 3. Under governments of force:
as is the case in all other monarchies and in most of the other republics. To have an idea of the
curse of existence under these last, they must be seen. It is a government of wolves over sheep.11
Two years latter Jefferson again relied on the fable of the sheep and the wolves to describe to John Jay some monarchical movements within the French Revolution: The vote of the Notables therefore remaining balanced by that of the parliament, the voice of the
nation becoming loud and general for the rights of the tiers etat, a strong probability that if they
were not allowed one half the representation, they would send up their members with express
instructions to agree to no tax, to no adoption of the public debts, and the court really wishing to
give them a moiety of representation, this was decided on ultimately. You are not to suppose that
these dispositions of the court proceed from any love of the people, or justice towards their rights.
Courts love the people always, as wolves do the sheep.12
        Jefferson did not limit his description of political situations to Aesop's fable of the wolves and the sheep. In 1787, for example, he writes from Paris to Benjamin Hawkins, a member of Congress from North Carolina, and warns him through the fable of the frogs and Jupiter (see selection D) of the dangers of including any monarchical elements in the American constitution: I am astonished at some people's considering a kingly government as a refuge. Advise such to
read the fable of the frogs who solicited Jupiter for a king. If that does not put them to rights, send
them to Europe to see something of the trappings of monarchy, and I will undertake that every man
shall go back thoroughly cured. If all the evils which can arise among us, from the republican form
of government, from this day to the day of judgment, could be put into a scale against what this
country suffers from its monarchical form in a week, or England in a month, the latter would
preponderate. Consider the contents of the Red Book in England, or the Almanac Royal in France,
and say what a people gain by monarchy. No race of kings has ever presented above one man of
common sense in twenty generations. The best they can do is to leave things to their ministers; and
what are their ministers but a committee, badly chosen? If the king ever meddles, it is to do harm.13
In fairness to Jefferson, it should also be noted that he did not always resort to Aesop solely for the purpose of illustrating a burning political question. At times he relied upon Aesopian fables in moments of levity, as in a letter to Maria Cosway, an acquaintance he met in Paris who also was an amateur painter. To pass her time while she is at the hairdresser's shop, he suggests to her: I remember that when under the hand of your Coeffeuse, you used to amuse yourself with your
pencil. Take then, some of these days, when Fancy bites and the Coeffeuse is busy, a little visiting
card, and crayon on it for something for me. What shall it be? Cupid leading the lion by a thread?
or Minerva clipping his wings? Or shall it be political? The father, for instance, giving the bunch of
rods to his children to break, or Jupiter sending to the frogs a kite instead of the log for their king? 14
        That the fables of Aesop and Phaedrus were vigorously studied in early American grammar schools and frequently evoked in early Arnerican literature is irrefutable. The extent to which these fables shaped early American moral attitudes or served as the vehicle of communication of complicated political principles to the general public is, at present, an unresolved question.15


Endnotes
 
 1. See Meyer Reinhold, The Classick Pages: Classical Reading of Eighteenth-Century Americans (University Park, Pennsylvania: Committee on Classical Humanities in the American Republic of the American Philological Association, 1975), p. 31.

2. See Louis B. Wright, "The Classical Tradition in Colonial Virginia," Biblioqraphical Society of America 33 (1939), pp. 86-91, for Aesop among the library inventories of early Virginian gentlemen, and pp. 92-94 for Washington's inheritance. Even the woodcut illustrations of Aesop became popular, and reduplications of them became commonplace in early American art, including imported chinaware, as can still be seen in a collection of very attractive, early nineteenth-century china at the Peabody Museum in Salem, Massachusetts.

3. For a detailed discussion of the Kenmore mansion, see Thomas T. Waterman, The Mansions of Virginia 1770-1776 (New York: Bonanza Books, 1945), pp. 313-324.

4. Samuel Croxall, Fables of Aesop, and Others, Translated into English: With Instructive Applications (Edinburgh: William P. Nimmo, 1722), p. iii. The Fable of the Fox, Crow, and Cheese was printed as the ninth fable in Croxall's collection.

5. Croxall, Fables of Aesop, pp. 25-26

6. See Introduction, pp. 8-10, for Nathaniel Williams' description of Aesop in the curriculum of the Boston Latin Grammar School. See also John Adams' letter of March 17th, 1780 to his son John Quincy Adams on the merit of studying Phaedrus, along with Cicero and Erasmus etc.: "Making Latin, construing Cicero, Erasmus, the Appendix de Diis et Heroibus ethnicis, and Phaedrus, are all Exercises proper for the Acquisition of the Latin Tongue; you are constantly employed in learning the Meaning of Latin Words, and the Grammar, the Rhetorick and Criticism of the Roman Authors: These Studies have therefore such a Relation to each other, that I think you would do well to pursue them all, under the Direction of your Master."--(L. H. Butterfield, ed., Adams Family Correspondence 3, April 1778-September 1780 [Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1,973], pp. 308-309). By May of 1781 young John Quincy writes to his father, "I have finish'd Phaedrus's fables".

7. See Selection E. and Robert J. Taylor et al., editors, Papers of John Adams, 2 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1977), p. 334.

8. Jefferson's letter of May 29th, 1781, written at Charlottesville while he was a wartime governor, informs Lafayette of what measures the Virginia House of Delegates had taken to procure horses for his cavalry units; see Julian P. Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 6 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1952), p. 35.

9. Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson 8 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1953), p. 229.

10. Andrew A. Lipscomb, ed., The Writinqs of Thomas Jefferson 6 (Washington, D. C.: The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903), p. 58. See also Dumas Malone, Jefferson the President, First Term, 1801-1805 (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1970), pp. 25-26.

11. See Jefferson to James Madison, January 30th, 1787, in Julian Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson 11 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1955), p. 93.

12. Jefferson to John Jay, January llth, 1789; see Julian Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson 14 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1958), p. 429.

13. See Joseph I. Gardner and Joan P. Kerr, The Founding Fathers: Thomas Jefferson, A Biography in His Own Words, 1 (New York: Newsweek Books, 1974), pp. 188-189. Jefferson was not the only American to use Aesop's fables to illustrate a political point during the period of the Constitutional Debate. The author of the "Old Whig" anti-federalist essays which appeared in the Philadelphia "Independent Gazetter" from October 1787 through February 1788, cites in "Essay VIII" the following passage from Aesop's fable of the "Clown and the Word" to express his concern for vesting even potential, excessive political power in the hands of a public official: "A man, says Aesop, coming into a wood, begged the trees to grant him the favor of a handle to his axe. The whole forest consented; upon which he provided himself with a strong handle; which he had no sooner done, than he began to fell the trees without number, then the trees, though too late, repented of their weakness, and an universal groan was heard throughout the forest. At length, when the man came to cut down the tree which had furnished him with the handle, the trunk fell to the ground uttering these words: Fool that I was! I have been the cause of my own destruction." See Herbert E. Storing, The Complete Anti-Federalist 3 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 48, 52.

14. Julian P. Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson 13 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1956), pp. 423-424.

15. For an informative discussion of the pedagogical, social, philosophical, literary, and especially political uses of fables in early eighteenth-century England, see Stephen H. Daniels, "Political and Philosophical Uses of Fable in Eighteenth-Century England," The Eighteenth-Century: Theory and Interpretation 23 (1982), pp. 151-171.